Reflection of processes occurring in the Russian language in the names of various city objects and signs Research work on the Russian language of a student. Unofficial onomastics of Yekaterinburg and the reasons for its appearance in the speech of citizens Name of urban areas

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UNOFFICIAL ONOMASTICS OF EKATERINBURG AND THE REASONS FOR ITS APPEARANCE IN THE SPEECH OF CITIZENS

The onomastic space of the city has been a subject of research interest for many years. This continuum of names, which exists in the minds of people of different types of cultures and in different eras, is filled in different ways. In the consciousness of every person, onomastic space is present fragmentarily. It is revealed quite fully only with a special study. This paper examines the unofficial onomastics of modern Yekaterinburg, reveals the quantitative relationship between official and unofficial names of urban realities, and substantiates the reasons for the appearance of unofficial onyms in the speech of citizens.

The relevance of the topic is beyond doubt, since onomastic realities represent the most important source of information about the speech and spiritual culture of the city. The language of a modern Russian city, as an integral part of culture, is a complex linguistic, linguosocial and linguocultural phenomenon, studied in a variety of aspects. Various forms and types of linguistic (speech) communication in the city space are explored and described: from the literary norm to marginal forms, various genres of speech communication in the city (from oral, everyday to written, complex). Monographic studies have appeared in various sections of onomastics in recent years (see: ), a number of dissertations have been defended, a significant number of articles have been written, dictionaries have been published: “Regional Dictionary of Slang” by T. Nikitina, E. Rogaleva (Pskov and Pskov Region), “Dictionary modern Russian city" edited by B. Osipov (Omsk), "Microtoponymic dictionary of the Nizhny Novgorod region (Oka-Volga-Sursk interfluve)" by L. Klimkova, "Dictionary of a St. Petersburger" by N. Sindalovsky (St. Petersburg), "Dictionary of a Ekaterinburger: unofficial names urban realities" E. Klimenko, T. Popova, "Regional dictionary of Russian substandard vocabulary" A. Lipatov, S. Zhuravleva. Onomastic material has enormous linguocultural potential. Along with the ability to convey information that is significant for the recipient, onyms have the ability to make the same information closed to the “uninitiated” or citizens of a different culture.

Unofficial onomastics, which will be discussed in our work, refers to substandard vocabulary that is outside the literary norm and at the same time does not relate to either territorial dialects or vernacular. According to the definition of A.T. Lipatov, a substandard is called “a speech layer of extraliterary vocabulary, correlated with a specific subculture; substandard vocabulary extraliterary vocabulary; standard vocabulary in modern lexicology and lexicography is the main (literary) layer of the language."

Despite the presence of a fairly large number of scientific works on onomastics, there is not a single special comprehensive study devoted to a detailed study of the unofficial onomastic vocabulary of a modern city: there is no definition of unofficial city names, no classification, and the characteristic properties of this vocabulary are not highlighted. This is the reason for turning to this topic.

Let us clarify that our work examines a very significant, albeit small layer of substandard onomastic vocabulary - unofficial urbanonyms, that is, the names of urban realities that are presented in the colloquial speech of residents of Yekaterinburg. These are unofficial (folk) names of urban realities (various city objects: streets, shops, factories, markets, neighborhoods, parks, etc.), also nicknames of famous citizens, names of handicrafts, etc., which “have a limited scope of use , narrow range of functioning, low degree of fame: they serve a small speaking group in a very specific, specific territory in conditions of direct oral communication in the absence of written documentation.” Informal urbanonyms are unique proper names of urban realities. For example:

ELF CLUB, a, m. Night club "Eldorado", located on Dzerzhinsky Street, 2. We stayed at the disco in the Elf Club until the morning.

TITKA, -i, f. Palace of Team Sports (DIVS), the top view of which resembles a woman’s breasts. Are you going to Titka's basketball game today? .

CHUPA-CHUPS, -a, m. A fountain near the Sverdlovsk State Academic Drama Theater, shaped like a large ball on a stand, reminiscent of a popular candy on a stick. Usually Chupa Chups is cleaned for City Day.

POLTINNIK, -a, m. Transport Engineering Plant named after the 50th Anniversary of the October Revolution in the area of Shefskaya and Front Brigade streets. By the next holiday, the workers of Fifty Dollars exceeded the plan.

In our opinion, to study the reasons for the appearance of unofficial onomastics in the speech of citizens, it is necessary to identify the quantitative composition of the urban realities of Yekaterinburg, determine the number of unofficial urbanonyms naming these realities, and calculate the percentage ratio between them.

To collect information about unofficial urbanonyms, the lexical material of the live and written speech of 300 informants was examined, a sample was taken from the media, reference books and guides, and the written spoken speech of Internet chat users was analyzed. Information about the quantitative composition of urban realities was obtained on the official websites of Yekaterinburg and in the city reference system.

Analyzing the table data, we will clarify why the percentage of calculation errors is quite high. Firstly, folk city names often have a low degree of fame; sometimes they are distributed only within one district, or one street, or even a courtyard area. Sometimes they function in the speech of a very small group of people, for example, a family, who have the same name for a particular object or territory of the city. Secondly, the percentage of error also comes from the fact that some realities can have two, three or even four popular names at once, while others do not have them at all. For example, the Ural Electromechanical Plant (UEMZ) has five unofficial names: “Three Troikas”, “Troyaki”, “UMZ [uemze]”, “Cursed Mines” and “Mailbox”, and the musical instrument factory on the Siberian Highway has only one folk name name "Balalaika". It is also possible that there are only five stations in the city, and their names are six, that is, one of the stations has two names.

informal onomastics colloquial speech

Quantitative composition of urban realities and their unofficial names

		Number of urban realities		Percentage, %

	lanes /
	boulevards /
	avenues
	roads/intersections
	squares / parks /

Actually	bridges/viaducts
Toponymic objects	lakes/ponds
	administrative districts
	city microdistricts /
	their parts (terrain)
	buildings / arrays of houses (residential and administrative)

Thematic class on urban realities	Groups and subgroups of urban realities	Number of urban realities	Number of unofficial names of urban realities	Percentage, %
Social facilities
	hotels
	kindergartens
	cafes / restaurants / canteens / snack bars

	the shops
	shopping centers
	shopping and entertainment centers
	savings banks
Scientific and educational institutions	academies / universities / institutes / training centers
	colleges/technical schools/technical schools
	design and engineering organizations
	research institutes
	lyceums, gymnasiums, schools
	libraries
Cultural and historical objects	monuments
	churches/temples

Cultural and art institutions	theaters / circus / philharmonic societies
	cinemas
	cultural centers
	entertainment centers (clubs)
Athletic facilities	Stadiums and swimming pools		called by the name of the sports center
	sports centers (sports palaces)
Medical institutions	hospitals / hospitals / medical units / medical centers
	outpatient clinics
	private clinics
	sobering-up stations
City structures

Thematic class on urban realities	Groups and subgroups of urban realities	Number of urban realities	Number of unofficial names of urban realities	Percentage, %
City businesses	plants / factories / mills
	Manufacturing plants
	Agro-industrial enterprises
	trading companies
Correctional facilities	penal colonies

Particular difficulty in counting is created by archaic and historic names. For example, until the 90s. XX century At the intersection of Vostochnaya-Malysheva streets there was a cafe “Silver Hoof”, popularly called “Kopyt” or “Kopyts”. When it closed (but the building itself remained), out of habit the townspeople continued to use the outdated name, saying: “Meet me on the corner where “Hoof” was.”

Information about the number of certain objects in the city is not always available. For example, many factories in the city worked for the defense industry; information about them and their products was considered closed.

The table shows that not all city objects received popular names. For example, manufacturing and agro-industrial enterprises, design and engineering organizations, research institutes and museums, administrative districts and trading firms do not have unofficial names. Probably, these objects are not relevant for city residents or their names are used extremely rarely, so there is no need to distinguish them from a number of similar ones and give them original names.

Why do unique unofficial names appear in the speech of Yekaterinburg residents? After all, the process of giving a proper name to any object or reality is complex and multifaceted; it is “the result of a series of communicative acts that convey individual situations and events.” . The complex nature of the nomination includes not only the mental and communicative processes, but also the cognitive and creative activity of a “linguistic personality, included in a specific historical and social continuum, attached to the general linguistic consciousness, to the knowledge and ideas of his era, refining in personal experience what was objectively created with subjectively significant."

In our opinion, the appearance of folk names in the language of the city occurs partly because townspeople have a natural desire to change, for example, the too long official name of an institution or neighborhood, simplifying it for more convenient memorization and use in conversation. For example, the Kalinin Machine-Building Plant is popularly called “ZIK”, the musical instrument factory “Balalaika”, the Ural State Forestry University “Lesteh”, “Lesik”, “Oak Institute”, “Zaborostroitelny”. Since informal names are often used as reference words, such “compact” options will be very appropriate in casual conversation. There is a tendency here to save speech.

Next, we note the need to distinguish between objects with the same names and identical functions. Currently there are eight shopping and entertainment centers in the city. In addition to the official ones, they also have popular names, for example: “Eggplant”, or “Dirik”, or “Dirizhopol” (shopping and entertainment center “Dirigible”); “Burelom”, or “Burik” (formerly the “Burevestnik” cinema, and now a shopping and entertainment center); "Katya" (shopping and entertainment center "Ekaterininsky"); "PH" (shopping and entertainment center "Park House").

Also, during informal communication, informal names help to distinguish “us” from “strangers”: residents of one microdistrict from another, representatives of one contact group from another. This is also a good reason for the appearance of folk names in the speech of townspeople.

The next point that needs to be emphasized when talking about the emergence of unofficial onomastics is the tendency of people (especially young people) towards expressiveness, language play and the desire to contrast the official language culture with the unofficial one. In folk names, features of opposition to the official urban linguistic culture are to a greater extent traced, lexical units are isolated, standards are violated, humor, irony, and parody are manifested in renaming and evaluations, that is, the connotative properties of vocabulary are clearly visible. For example, the names of the lakes are “Plevki” (small lakes in the Forest Park of Russian Foresters on the Siberian Highway), “Suitcase” (a rectangular lake in the forest park zone of the South-Western region), “Chapaevskaya Puddle” (a small lake near the Chapaevskaya station). Names of educational institutions: “Pedulishche” (Sverdlovsk Regional Pedagogical College, former pedagogical school), “Kulek” (Sverdlovsk Regional College of Culture and Arts), “Musorka” (Ural Conservatory named after M. Mussorgsky), as well as street names: “Valley of Animals” (Danila Zverev Street), “Koti Valika” (Vali Kotika Street), “Kirla Myrla” (Karl Marx Street) very accurately reflect the attitude of the townspeople towards these objects. Examples show that unofficial names differ from official ones in greater variety and a significant degree of individualization.

Thus, unofficial onyms call the reality by its proper name, highlighting it and distinguishing it from other similar ones, and help the linguistic community of the city identify this reality. By simultaneously implementing the function of identification and symbolization, onomastic realia contributes to linguistic economy.

Analyzing the unofficial names of urban realities, we can say with confidence that this is entirely connotative vocabulary containing additional expressive, stylistic, and evaluative characteristics of the semantics of the word. Here there is “the imposition of a certain type of worldview” on a certain picture of the world, cultural attitudes of the individual, which make it possible to combine “different linguistic subsystems in the speech of one speaker.”

In conclusion, we note that the issue of studying the unofficial onomastics of the city requires special attention because this speech layer reflects not only the “linguistic appearance” of the modern city, but also the facts of the history and culture of the people, the peculiarities of the lifestyle and attitude of the townspeople, their creative abilities. We emphasize that this layer of urban vocabulary is very mobile and unstable. Due to the peculiarities of its existence, it can disappear without a trace, so it is very important to collect this linguistic material and record it in writing: folk names can become the basis for forming an image of an urban space that distinguishes Yekaterinburg from other Russian cities and makes it unique. Onomastic material allows you to work with linguoculturological and pragmatic information, which is still little involved in scientific circulation.

Bibliography

1. Golomidova, M.V. Artificial nomination in Russian onomastics: monograph. Ekaterinburg, 1998. 231 p.

2. Klimenko, E.N. Dictionary of Yekaterinburg residents: unofficial names of urban realities / E.N. Klimenko, T.V. Popova. Ekaterinburg,

3. Klimkova, L.A. Microtoponymic dictionary of the Nizhny Novgorod region (Oka-Volga-Sur interfluve): in 3 parts. Part I. Arzamas, 2006. 402 p. Klimkova, L. A. Nizhny Novgorod microtoponymy: multi-aspect analysis: monograph. M., 2008. 261 p.

4. Lipatov, A.T. Regional dictionary of Russian substandard vocabulary (Yoshkar-Ola. Republic of Mari El) / A. T. Lipatov,

S.A. Zhuravlev. M., 2009. 288 p.

5. Official website of Ekaterinburg

6. Official website of the Sverdlovsk region

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What is a sign? N.V. Kozlovskaya, Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor of the Russian Language Department of the Russian State Pedagogical University named after. A.I. Herzen proposed the following definition: “Urban signs are small-form texts in which the linguistic personality of the author is often expressed, that is, a person or group of people who create the name of an urban object.”

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The purpose of my work is to find out by what principles modern city signs and names are created and how to prevent the further emergence of monster names created by authors who lack linguistic tact, philological education, and linguistic intuition. The study examined more than 60 names existing on the streets of the city of Khabarovsk and the village of Luchegorsk, which allows us to draw a conclusion about the trends that have developed in the field of nomination of modern urban objects.

Unmotivated names do not have obvious associative connections with the object of the name and the sphere of urban life to which they are “assigned”. For example: “Flamingo”, “Goliath”, “Space”, “Continent”, “Harmony”, “Sail”, “Maria”, “Empire”, “Coral”, “Vivat”, “Breeze”, “Elena”, “Ninel, “Beryozka”, “Sudarushka”, “Metelitsa”, “Assorted”, “Kalinka”, “Irina”, “Iris”, “Nadarovka”, “Adonis”, “Svetlana”, “Roman”, “Lotus” .

Motivated names Names of objects should easily reveal any motivating connections with the object of the name. Based on the materials I collected, the following groups can be distinguished: names based on urban toponymy; names motivated by thematic and lexical-semantic connections of words; names reflecting the specialization of urban facilities by functionality, assortment and type of product; names that allow one to detect motivating associative connections with the object of the name.

The second group of names, motivated by thematic and lexical-semantic connections of words, can be represented by the following signs: “Azbuka Mebel” - a chain of furniture stores; “Diary” – goods for schoolchildren; “World of Plumbing” is a plumbing equipment store.

Unmotivated names Unmotivated names do not have obvious associative connections with the object of the name and the sphere of urban life to which they are “assigned”. Among such names, one can distinguish several broad thematic groups that occur more often than others: names using numbers and numbers (sometimes in combination with letters and other graphic elements); naming using names and titles; letter and syllabic abbreviations; names of animals, birds, insects as part of the name of the object; religious, mythological, fairy-tale, fantastic humanoid creatures and magical objects; names of plants and other plant organisms; natural phenomena and objects; use of foreign language vocabulary; mixing words from different languages; names written in foreign languages.

Names using numbers and numbers (sometimes in combination with letters and other graphic elements) are used in a wide variety of fields. It is impossible to explain the reason for the name of the grocery store “21st century”. Why is a clothing store called “Eva+”?

No less rare are names that include the names of religious, mythological, fairy-tale, fantastic humanoid creatures, magical objects and objects. Nouns of this group are very often used to name objects for various purposes.

The Russian language has always been open to expanding its vocabulary from foreign language sources. The borrowing of words widely known in the West - internationalisms - is sometimes accompanied by a distortion of their meaning. Names written in a foreign language or being foreign words written in Russian letters cause difficulty in establishing associative connections with the profile of the nominated object. They force us to spend time determining the language in which they were created (And we may not know this language or not recognize the word written in Russian letters!), Find a translation that corresponds to the meaning inherent in this name.

Names - “Linguistic shock” Linguistic shock (as defined by Professor V. Belyavin) is a condition that causes an extreme degree of surprise, laughter or embarrassment that occurs in a person when he hears in speech linguistic elements that sound strange, funny or indecent in his native language .

Results of the study Extensive and interesting material - signs - made it possible to identify a large number of thematic groups of words, traditionally and recently, used in the Russian language to create the name of an object: names using numbers and numbers, names of animals, birds, insects as part of the name of the object, religious, mythological, fairy-tale, fantastic humanoid creatures, magical objects and objects, names of plants and other plant organisms, natural phenomena.

Research results The reason for the emergence of unmotivated and shocking names is the process of declining literacy in modern society, the decline in general and linguistic culture, the psychological and emotional state of modern man, the unreasonable borrowing of vocabulary, and the use of words written in a foreign language in signs. Unmotivated and shocking names also arise when the owners of a company, salon or other object strive for unusualness, catchiness and originality of the name, achieving this in any way, even violating language norms.

Created 10/20/2006 10:36 Updated 01/30/2012 09:30 Publication date

Toponyms are an integral part of the background knowledge of speakers of a given language and culture: they, like a mirror, reflect the history of a given people, the history of settlement and development of a given territory. Therefore, it is this part of the vocabulary that has long attracted the attention of not only philologists, but also historians, ethnographers, and geographers.

The current stage of development of Russian linguistic science is characterized, despite all objective difficulties, by a deep interest in the nature of philological knowledge, its features and unity with scientific disciplines that study the historical past of the people, their material and spiritual culture; An example of the successful implementation of this approach was many scientific works of academician. V.P. Neroznak. If for work in the field of common noun vocabulary such an interest as a whole can be: a) central, b) one of several, c) secondary (optional), then for work in the field of onymic vocabulary it should almost always be decisive: this is the specificity of proper names in in general, as well as geographical names in particular. Wed. precise and fair definition by G.D. Tomakhin: “Toponyms are an integral part of the background knowledge of speakers of a given language and culture: they, like a mirror, reflect the history of a given people, the history of settlement and development of a given territory. Therefore, this part of the vocabulary has long attracted attention not only philologists, but also historians, ethnographers, geographers."A toponym is not just a conventional sign of an object, identifying it in a series of objects of the same type. Using some ideas of the Russian philosopher Semyon Frank, we can assume that the more important opposition is not between an appellative and an onym (conventionally “we” and “I”), but two or more onyms (conventionally “I” and “you”), despite the fact that there is a “conciliar being" in our speech of appellatives (conventionally - "we"), which have a common denotation with onyms; to the same extent that a person is unthinkable otherwise as a member of society, so any toponym actually exists in the consciousness and life of a person only as part of a member of his society - a real system (subsystem) of names that have general linguistic fate, but own historical and cultural biography. The latter could be: a) exceptional(unique); b) individual(typologized); V) phatic(standard). Let's look at this in more detail using three specific examples we took from the toponymy of Moscow.

Example of the first variety- toponym Losiny Island. By the nature and number of his background knowledge, he really unique and can be classified as especially valuable and rich.

Losiny Island(second version of the name, older,- Pogonno-Losiny island)- a kind of heir to that dense, sometimes impenetrable forest that stretched from the northeastern outskirts of Moscow several centuries ago. This taiga near Moscow, rich in game and animals, became a place for royal falconry and animal hunting. This forest also abounded in elk, hence the first part of its name.- Losinyisland; forest giants, elk, are found here to this day.

Modern Russian word elk means “a large animal of the deer family, with a massive hook-nosed head, in males- with wide, usually spade-shaped horns, high withers.” The word is of common Slavic origin; it existed in the language of the Eastern Slavs- Old Russian, which can be judged, for example, from the monument of Old Russian writing “The Teachings of Vladimir Monomakh”, created in XII century (“...two moose- one trampled his feet"). Adjective elk, derived from a noun elk, appeared much later- already in Russian, and not in the Old Russian language. We also know this from written sources, including- the so-called "Handwritten Lexicon" of the first half XVIII century. We find words with the same root in the Ukrainian language- elk, Serbian- los, in Czech and Slovenian- los, in Polish - los, other Slavic languages. Etymological scientists see in it a very ancient root, related, among other things, to the Old High German vocabulary and going back to the Indo-European language. Without going into the subtleties of etymological analysis and all the changes that the Proto-Slavic word underwent *los" , we can cite the opinion of experts who believe that this animal got its name in ancient times from the color of its coat- brown-yellow, red.

And the second part of the toponym Losiny Island? What is its history and meaning? By the way, near the border of Moscow, to the southeast of it, there is a village Island. What do a forest and a nature reserve have in common? Losiny Island and the ancient village Island? Indeed, everyone who drove along the Moscow Ring Road in the area near the city of Lytkarino more than once saw a miracle among the green hills and sparse copses- white stone tented church, decorated with eight rows of kokoshniks, and around- intricately arranged houses. This is the village of Ostrov near Moscow, and the Church of the Transfiguration is in it- wonderful architectural monument XVI century. The village of Ostrov is well known to historians: its name is found in documents XIV century. Prince Ivan Danilovich Kalita, before his trip to the Horde (the successful completion of which he was not sure), drew up a spiritual testament, where, among other villages and volosts bequeathed to his eldest son Semyon, Ostrov is mentioned. The history of the village is remarkable. And what a coincidence- In its vicinity, as in Losiny Island, Moscow princes and tsars loved to hunt: for a long time the village was a palace. Ivan the Terrible often visited here. The village and its surroundings were especially liked by the great, as you already learned, hunting enthusiast Alexei Mikhailovich, Peter’s father I . Then the Island was in the possession of Prince Menshikov, Count Orlov-Chesmensky, and since 1868 it belonged to the neighboring Nikolo-Ugreshsky Monastery. But if the history of the village is relatively simple and can be easily reconstructed from various documents, the same cannot be said about its name. What does the word mean for a modern person? island? Probably "a piece of land surrounded on all sides by water." But the name of the village near Moscow has nothing to do with this. Why was he called that? It turns out that the word island became the name of the village, having a different meaning. It is not in the modern Russian literary language; now it is preserved only in some dialects. Island in central Russia they called a section of forest in the steppe, a forested hill on a plain, low and flat-topped mounds, hills. On the eastern side of the village there is a hill-remnant, which local old-timers call Mount Veretye. Old Russian word spinning(or vereteya) meant, as is known from written monuments, “a dry, elevated place among forests and swamps.”

In the toponym Losiny Island folk geographical term island definitely used not in connection with landforms, but as a characteristic of the local flora- in the meaning of “a plot of forest in the steppe, in an open place” and “forest grove”. This toponym became the basis for some other names: here, in the north-eastern part of Moscow, there is a railway station “Losinoostrovskaya” (in the oral speech of Muscovites often referred to simply as “ Losinka") and Losinoostrovskaya street. The former town of Babushkin near Moscow (now part of Moscow), named in 1939 in honor of the polar pilot Mikhail Babushkin, a participant in many expeditions in the Arctic, grew out of a holiday village at the Losinoostrovskaya platform, which arose at the end of XIX century. Over time, the village of Losinoostrovsky turned into Losinoostrovsk city and was known by this name until it was renamed Babushkin.

But most importantly - This is a national natural park and reserve “Losiny Ostrov” with an area of 11 thousand hectares, formed in 1978. Starting from Sokolniki and incorporating the Yauzsky and Losinoostrovsky forest parks, it stretches to the cities of Mytishchi, Korolev (formerly Kaliningrad) and Balashikha. This place has become a protected place since the time of Ivan the Terrible- as "the sovereign's reserved grove."

Nowadays toponym Losiny Island is so strongly associated with the concept of “Moscow” that in the minds of many Russian speakers it is inseparable from it - like a number of other unique Moscow toponyms ( Sparrow Hills, Serebryany Bor, Arbat and etc.

Second varietyhistorical and cultural biography of toponyms - individual (typological) names. A parallel with architectural monuments will help clarify our idea: the Church of St. Nicholas in Khamovniki is an individual monument, but is included in a number of valuable, but typological buildings of its era (XVII century), which have their own individual biography, but have survived to our time among others, similar in origin. architecture and fate of Moscow churches. At the same time, in this context, the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin is unique both in its architecture and composition, in its interior decoration and especially in its historical and cultural biography.

As an example of the second type of historical and cultural biography of Russian intracity names, we can take the toponym Ivanovskoe.

The features of this option are clearly revealed not in opposition to nomina propria? ? nomina apellativa, but in the understanding of the philosopher S.L. Frank of the opposition between “I” and “you”, which we applied to the world of names and titles.

Now Ivanovskoe – a vast area in the Eastern Prefecture of the capital, near the Moscow Ring Road. Its main streets are Stalevarov Street, Sayanskaya Street, and Svobodny Avenue. In the south the area neighbors Novogireevo, in the north– with South Izmailovo. To the city limits Ivanovskoe was included in 1960.

Despite the fact that outwardly Ivanovskoye is confidently associated with the concept of a “dormitory area,” all this is the ancient land of the Moscow region, which breathes with antiquity, legends, and the memory of our Slavic ancestors. Here there were arable fields, green groves, and ancient villages.

The first documentary mention of Ivanovsky dates back to the 16th century. In those ancient times, it was part of the royal and boyar Izmailovsky estate, although initially it had a different name: the village of Kopievo on the Izmailovka River. But already in the 16th century a church was built here in honor of the Nativity of John the Baptist, at first– wooden, hence the name of the village– Ivanovskoe. The names of villages, data on churches, were very common in Rus': Pokrovskoye, Troitskoye, Uspenskoye, Nikolskoye, etc. One of the owners Ivanovsky was the brother-in-law of Tsar Ivan the Terrible– Mikita Romanovich Yuriev.

Probably, the first wooden Ivanovo church was erected here not by chance, but in honor of the heavenly patron of one of the first owners and first settlers. However, this has not yet been established for certain.

That stone church of the Nativity of John the Baptist, which has been preserved in Ivanovsky to this day, built in the style of classicism. It was consecrated in 1801. Ivanovo Church was rarely empty, because it was located near the Old Vladimir Road– famous Vladimirki. In 1919, Vladimirskoye Shosse in Moscow was renamed Entuziastov Shosse.

An example of the third varietyhistorical and cultural biography of Russian intracity names can be called a toponym Stroiteley Street.

The features of this option, which we define as phatic (standard), “empty” historical and cultural biography of the toponym, also appear not in opposition to nomina propria? ? nomina apeliativa, and in the opposition “I” and “you” according to S.L. Frank, which we applied to an array of toponymic units (toponym? ? ? ? toponym/toponyms, but not toponym? ? appellative, etc.).

Stroiteley Street is located in Moscow between Leninsky Prospekt. and Vernadsky Avenue: it belongs to the South-Western Administrative District (at the same time to two municipal districts: Gagarinsky and Lomonosovsky). According to reference books, the name appeared on the map of the capital of the USSR in 1958, but earlier the street was called a little differently - 1st Stroiteley Street; at the same time, the modern toponym in one of the most famous manuals on Moscow toponymy is given with an asterisk, meaning “that the renaming was carried out with the aim of eliminating the same name.” Wed. also an explanation of the origin of the toponym Stroiteley Street: “It received its name in honor of the builders of the new residential area of Moscow - the South-West. The name was retained from the four Stroiteley streets that previously existed here.”

The historical and cultural biography of the Moscow toponym Stroiteley Street is as short as it is empty, “empty” - both in terms of the initial motivation and subsequent historical and cultural facts, events, associations, knowledge. It should be added that in 86% of Russian cities, the toponymy of which we were to one degree or another involved in carrying out a large, long-term study, there are also Stroiteley streets, often with additional digital “indices”. It is also no coincidence that the plot and conflict of the script of the popular film comedy by E. A. Ryazanov “The Irony of Fate, or Enjoy Your Bath” are to a certain extent based on the standardity of the new urban toponymy of Moscow and St. Petersburg (in the film - Leningrad), on the coincidence of the Moscow and Leningrad toponyms of Stroiteley Street, which - in a series of other coincidences - leads the film's characters to unexpected mistakes, encounters and helps the viewer to take an ironic look at the faceless standard of life around him.

This does not mean that for a narrow circle of people, for example, one family or one work collective, the toponym Stroiteley Street cannot acquire, for one objective reason or another, a special sound or meaning: for local groups of Russian language speakers, even these toponyms may well have significant elements in their historical and cultural biography and therefore not be “empty”, remaining so for the majority of the city’s population. Here we cannot fail to mention one more problem that deserves separate consideration: in addition to the general characteristics of toponyms, there is the topic of the individual aspect of owning a set of toponyms, which is no less relevant for the theory of linguistics. Each linguistic personality owns a certain set of them, which sets some spatial-geographical milestones and restrictions in this world. In some part, this set is unique for each person and does not coincide with the sets of other people. This set is part of the person’s knowledge (cognitive aspect) about the world. Toponyms are undoubtedly included in the associative fields of appellatives and themselves form original fields around themselves that carry a unique national flavor. Compare: "...The position that linguistic personality as an object of linguistic study allows us to systematically consider all four fundamental linguistic properties as interacting does not require special proof. Firstly, because personality is the focus and result of social laws; secondly - secondly, because it is a product of the historical development of an ethnos; thirdly, because its motivational predispositions, arising from the interaction of biological impulses with social and physical conditions, belong to the mental sphere: finally, fourthly, because , that the individual is the creator and user of symbols, i.e. system-structural by their nature, formations. As a result, the well-known metaphor “Style is a person” is deciphered as a two-dimensional formula, which includes the idea of a personality implementing a lifestyle reflected in style of language use, i.e. connects the socio-behavioral context with the speech one." I should especially note that the cited monograph by Yu.N. Karaulov "Russian Language and Linguistic Personality", extremely generous with promising scientific projects and justifiably becoming a bibliographic rarity in the shortest possible time, will nourish entire generations for a long time inquisitive and caring researchers with rich ideas.

However, let us return to the third type of historical and cultural biography of Russian urban toponyms. Note that despite the external standardization and phaticism of toponyms such as Moscow Stroiteley Street (acutely felt by modern philological researchers), they cannot be generally excluded from toponymy as a phenomenon of a historical and cultural nature. Here it is advisable to talk about the volume and specificity of information conveyed by such names, about its vector, etc. In this regard, it is worth remembering that the late Yu.M. Lotman called culture a set of non-inherited information that is accumulated, stored and transmitted by various human groups.

The authors of the collective monograph “Theory and Methodology of Onomastic Research,” analyzing the problems of the cultural aspect of onomastic research, rightly use another important thought of Yu.M. Lotman - the thesis about the code of the era: “It is more difficult to identify elements of spiritual culture in onomastics, since for this it is necessary to know era code (Lotman).For example, knowing the code of our Soviet era, we claim that personal names of the 20-30s like October, May, Gertrude(hero of labor) reflect a new culture and ideology. Without knowing this code, we would classify the names October And May to chronoanthroponyms, and Gertrude- among the sacred German names, without being able to explain the emergence of special interest in it."

Knowledge of the code of the Soviet era allows us to properly analyze standard biographies of toponyms such as Stroiteley Street (we deliberately chose the most neutral - from stylistic and ideological points of view - example) and treat them properly, which does not prevent us from seeing in them part of the totality of non-hereditary information , which was accumulated, preserved and transmitted to us by that human collective, which was defined by the term “Soviet people”.

So, the historical and cultural biography of a toponym turns out to be closely connected with the historical, cultural, social, political and even economic biography of the named object. At the same time, it is most closely connected with such apparently heterogeneous information blocks, as if assigned to a specific name, such as the etymology of the toponym (as part of the triad, the reason for the nomination - the reason for the nomination - the motive for the nomination), its functional and stylistic features (in particular, the possibilities its paraphrasing) and even its correct pronunciation and spelling: equally, such really existing blocks as address (information about where the named object is located) or structural word-formation (what is the “technical” history of the formation of the toponym and what constituent elements, morphemic “building blocks” can be isolated in it), etc.

It is becoming more and more obvious that behind every toponym, without exception, there is a complete (but not closed, but open) information series, which can be subjected to a structured description in accordance with the blocks objectively existing in it. As for living Russian speech (both oral and written versions), usually not all, but only one or several of these blocks are updated in it - depending on the goals and characteristics of a particular monologue or dialogue in which a given one is used. toponym (or toponyms). Can such a complex “information series” be studied both as a linguistic phenomenon and as a socio-cultural creation - with a simultaneous transition from theory to practice, to the most important needs of lexicography? Can a dictionary be created that would incorporate all such heterogeneous, but integral features and characteristics of a toponym and the information behind it? Our studies and their results gave a positive answer to this question. A condition for the successful implementation of such a complex task can be, in our opinion, the hypothesis of a toponym as a compressed text and the development on its basis of the theory and practice of creating multifunctional (multi-purpose) toponymic computer dictionaries and databases. It is in this direction (not excluding traditional ways of describing geographical names) that domestic toponymic lexicography can and should develop at the beginning of the new century.

Literature cited

1. Tomakhin G.D. Toponyms as realities of language and culture (based on geographical names of the USA). - Issues of linguistics, 1984, No. 4, p. 84.

2. Gorbanevsky M.V. Opposition nomina propria and nomina apellativa in the context of S.L. Frank’s ideas about the relationship between “I” and “we”. - In the book: Gorbanevsky M.V. Russian urban toponymy: Methods of historical and cultural study and creation of computer dictionaries. - M.: OLRS, 1996, p.268-276.

3. Chernykh P.Ya. Historical and etymological dictionary of the Russian language. T.1. - M.: Rus.yaz., 1994, p.492.

4. Shansky N.M., Bobrova T.A. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language. - M.: Proserpina, 1994,

P.171-172.

5. Names of Moscow streets. /G.K.Efremov and others - M.: Mosk.rabochiy, 1985, p.19.

6. Names of Moscow streets. /G.K.Efremov and others - M.: Mosk.rabochiy, 1985, p.344. Of course, such a historical and cultural biography of toponyms in combination with their original motivation cannot be the basis for poetic searches, literary finds-images, and poetic metaphors. Wed. a poem by D. Sukharev, which became an interesting song thanks to the melody of S. Nikitin. It’s called “Hello the Streets of Moscow”: “Zamoskvorechye, Luzhniki, /And Likhobory, and Plyushchikha, /Fili, Potylikha, Palikha, /Butyrsky Farm, Putinki, /And the Bird Market, and Shchipok, /And Sivtsev Vrazhek, and Olkhovka, / Yamskoye Field, Khomutovka, /Boilers, Gypsy Corner, /Manege, Vozdvizhenka, Arbat, /Neopalimovsky, Lubyanka, /Truba, Vagankovo, Taganka, /Okhotny Ryad, Neskuchny Garden, /Hall out to the streets of Moscow, /And the pavement will quietly creak, /And not a Muscovite - a Muscovite / Will put buckets on the bridge, / The meadows will get drunk with the Yauza, / Will sip berries from Polyanka, / The forges on Taganka will wake up, / And on Ostozhenka there will be haystacks, / Zaryadye, the Kremlin, the Moscow River, / And Samoteka, and Neglinka, / Stremyanny, Sretenka, Stromynka, / Starokonyushenny, Bega, / Kuznetsky Most, Tsvetnoy Boulevard, / Kalashny, Khlebny, Povarskaya, / Sausage, Skatertny, Tverskaya, / and Razgulay, and Krymsky Val... / The old man has his own family, / sandpiper his Swamp. - /Hello, Nikitsky Gate, /Sadovo-Sukharevskaya! /Hello the streets of Moscow..." (The fact that we are quoting this text does not mean that the author believes: every pre-revolutionary name was just like that - juicy and imaginative, accurate and unlike others - a melody in the ancient toponymic "symphony" of Moscow.Yes, not everyone, buta significant part of them!).

CHAPTER I. LINGUISTIC STATUS OF ERGONIM.

1.1. The concept of “ergonym”. The place of ergonyms in the onomastic space of the Russian language.

1.2.The problem of the meaning of ergonym.

1.2.1.Basic interpretations of the semantics of a proper name.

1.2.2. Stages of nominative development of the meaning of an ergonym.

1.3. Features of nomination in ergonymy, its types.

1.3.1 Natural and artificial nomination in ergonymy.

1.3.2. Objective and subjective factors in ergonymy.

1.3.3. Principles of nomination in ergonymy.

1.3.4. Classification of ergonyms of Novosibirsk in accordance with the principles of nomination.

CHAPTER II. STRUCTURAL-SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF ERGONIMES OF NOVOSIBIRSK.

2.1.Main problems of the theory of ergonym formation.

2.2. Word-formation potential of modern ergonyms of Novosibirsk.

2.2.1. Semantic onymization of ergonyms.

2.2.2. Ergonyms of Novosibirsk, created using methods of word production.

2.3. Retrospective analysis of ergonyms in Novosibirsk.

CHAPTER III. COMMUNICATIVE-PRAGMATIC ASPECT OF STUDYING ERGONIMES OF NOVOSIBIRSK.

3.1.Features of the interpretative approach in ergonymics.

3.2. Pragmatic aspect of ergonymy in Novosibirsk.

3.2.1. Functional diversity of ergonyms.

3.2.2. Pragmatic functions of names of urban objects.

3.2.3. Features of the functioning of ergonyms-abbreviations: synchronous and diachronic aspect.

3.3.Communicative aspect of erponymy.

3.3.1. Analysis of the results of a survey of residents of Novosibirsk.

3.3.2. Analysis of communication interference with the participation of ergonyms.

Recommended list of dissertations

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Introduction of the dissertation (part of the abstract) on the topic “Names of urban objects in Novosibirsk: structural-semantic and communicative-pragmatic aspects”

This dissertation research is devoted to a multi-aspect (structural-semantic and communicative-pragmatic) study of the names of urban objects: enterprises, institutions, organizations, firms and companies. This layer of proper names is traditionally called ergonyms (A.B. Superanskaya, I.V. Kryukova, 1M.Ya. Kryuchkova, G.A. Donskova). Ergonym is studied in this work, following A.B. Superanskaya (1985), as the name of a complex object. Due to its attachment to a place, an ergonym is close to a toponym (the proper name of a geographical object), and due to its connection with professional associations of people - to the designations of groups - socionyms.

Research in recent decades has been distinguished by its attention to the problems of the peripheral zones of onomastic space - ergonymy and pragmatonymy. Works devoted to the structural description of these units (A.B. Bespalova, S.B. Zemskova, etc.) are supplemented by studies of the features of their functioning (D.A. Yalovets-Konovalova, N.V. Shimkevich, G.A. Donskova, I.V. Kryukova, D.S Yakovleva).

The ergonymy of the city as a specific layer of the vocabulary of the modern Russian language reflects all the fundamental changes that have occurred and are occurring in Russian society. As a result of these processes, old names of urban objects are being replaced by new ones that meet current needs and are competitive. Compare: "Furniture Factory No. 1" and furniture factories "Kameya", "Sibir", "Ninex", "Pivvinkombinat" and production companies "Krasny Vostok", "Vorsin", "VINAP" ("wine, drinks, beer ); “Shop Ks 100” and stores “Sotyi”, “Berezovy”, “Magic of Light”,<сАвтозапчасти для друзей», «Визави». Демократизация номинативных процессов в области эргонимии позволяет говорить о своевременности изучения данной группы имен собственных.

Thus, the relevance of this dissertation is connected, first of all, with the need to study the system of names of urban objects at a certain stage of its formation; assessing the role of ergonyms as objects of interpretation from the point of view of the nominator and the addressee. A comprehensive description and analysis of the trends of this formation are important tasks of modern Russian onomastics and at the same time can become material for research in the field of nomination theory, interpretive and cognitive linguistics.

The study is within the framework of an anthropocentric approach to linguistic facts: on the one hand, we take into account the position of the speaker who creates the name and thereby interprets reality using language; on the other hand, we are interested in the position of a person who perceives and comprehends an already created sign. The analysis of these interpretations allows us to observe ergonymy as a dynamic phenomenon.

The relevance of the topic under study lies in the fact that the names of urban objects have a high degree of reproducibility in the modern communication process: having entered the consciousness of a native speaker, they participate in the formation of his picture of the world. In this regard, it is important to study the cognitive capabilities of this subsystem of proper names and the specifics of the semantic-structural properties of its components.

Description of Novosibirsk ergonyms, often reflecting the social orientation of the nomination (the "Inexpensive" store, the "Oligarch" boutique), gender and age factors (clothing stores "Women's View" and "For Tep"; hypermarket of children's goods "Banana-Mama" and the teenage club " Seeker"), also has sociolinguistic significance.

A comprehensive study of ergonyms is especially significant for a modern linguist-semasiologist: it makes it possible to expand the understanding of the substantive diversity of a verbal sign, its specificity in the border zone between proper and common nouns of objects and phenomena.

The object of the study is modern Russian ergonyms. The choice of Novosibirsk ergonymic names is determined by the following factors:

Nominators and recipients of modern names are available for psycho- and sociolinguistic research;

The city of Novosibirsk is a large administrative, cultural, economic and transport center, so the conclusions drawn on the basis of this material can be extrapolated to the system of Russian ergonyms as a whole.

In this study, the structural and semantic analysis of ergonyms of the city of Novosibirsk was preceded by the author’s work with nominators (owners, founders and employees of enterprises and organizations), as well as the study of archival data. First of all, the card index included ergonyms known to a wide range of individuals (based on oral surveys and questionnaires of the population), namely: the names of government agencies, social services, educational and medical organizations, trade and service enterprises.

The subject of the study is the structural-semantic and communicative-pragmatic features of modern ergonyms of Novosibirsk: mechanisms of nomination, types of interpretation of ergonyms.

The sources are the city information database “DoubleGIS” from 2002 to 2006, a card file of ergonyms of the city of Novosibirsk, collected by the author during the study by direct selection of names with subsequent addition from written sources (reference books, diagrams, maps). A total of 6,000 units were analyzed and systematized.

Theoretical and methodological basis of the study. The study of ergonyms in this work is carried out within the boundaries of the disciplines of the linguistic cycle: lexical semantics (semasiology and onomasiology), word formation, linguistic semiotics, cognitive science, linguoculturology, pragmalinguistics, communication theory. The theoretical and methodological basis of the dissertation was the work of domestic and foreign researchers: general theoretical works in the field of onomastics (V.N. Toporov, A.V. Superanskaya, V.I. Bolotov, V.D. Bondaletov, V.I. Suprun), works in the field of ergonymy (I.V. Kryukova, S.V. Zemskova, D.I. Yalovets-Konovalova). In the analysis of the semantics of ergonyms, we rely on classic generalizing works on problems of meaning (J. St. Mill, A. A. Ufimtseva, N. D. Arutyunova), studies that examine individual issues of the theory of reference (A. D. Shmelev, D.I. Ermolovich), works on the semantics of proper names (V.I. Bolotov, V.A. Nikonov, Yu.N. Karpenko, A.V. Superanskaya). In the study of the semantic nature of the processes underlying the formation of ergonyms, we rely on works on issues of semantic and word-formation derivation (D.N. Shmelev, L.O. Butakova,

I.E. Elesevich), as well as research on the theory of artificial secondary nomination (M.E. Ruth, M.V. Golomidova). In word-formation analysis, generalizing works on the theory of the formation of common nouns are used (E.A. Vasilevskaya, Z.A. Potikha, V.V. Lopatin, V.N. Nemchenko, I.S. Ulukhanov, E.A. Zemskaya), research , which discuss individual issues of the formation of onomastic units (I.A. Vorobyova, M.N. Gorbanevsky, N.V. Podolskaya, 1990).

The purpose of the study is to identify and analyze the derivational-functional potential of modern ergonymy. This goal is achieved by solving the following tasks:

1) analyze systemic relationships within this corpus of names;

2) determine the specifics of the ergonomic nomination;

3) identify the features of lexical-semantic and word-formation derivation of ergonyms;

4) trace the dynamics of development of the ergonymic system of Novosibirsk;

5) evaluate the communicative potential of ergonymy;

6) describe the peculiarities of interpretation of city names by the addresser and the addressee.

Research methods. The starting point is the descriptive method, which includes the collection, cataloging, systematization of material, and allows us to identify its types from the point of view of seme and word-formation analysis. Elements of the statistical method are used to count the number of ergonomic units corresponding to each model. When surveying nominators and recipients and processing the data obtained, sociolinguistic techniques are used; Pragmatic analysis of communications is used to reconstruct nominative strategies and motivations when creating ergonyms. Certain techniques of comparative and contextual analysis are used to study the peculiarities of the functioning of ergonyms in a literary text.

Scientific novelty of the work. New factual material (names of urban objects in Novosibirsk), systematized in the form of a structural-semantic classification, which made it possible for the first time to consider the specifics of onymization as an end-to-end process in the formation of names of urban objects using ergonymic material, has been introduced into the circulation of linguistic research. The boundaries of the ergonymic nomination are clarified and the hierarchy in the semantic-functional space of the names of urban objects is revealed. The dynamics of development of the Novosibirsk ergonym system is presented. A communicative-pragmatic analysis of urban ergonymic names made it possible to identify the specifics and types of their interpretations. Specific linguocultural features of ergonyms are identified, due to different stages of development of Russian-speaking society in the 20th - early 21st centuries.

The theoretical significance of the study lies in the creation and testing of a comprehensive methodology for the analysis of ergonymic material, integrating structural-semantic and pragmatic-interpretive approaches and allowing us to describe the units of this layer of onymic vocabulary from a unified theoretical and methodological position. As part of the study of onymization of ergonyms, the idea of D.N. is developed. Shmelev about the commonality of the mechanisms of lexical and word-formation derivation. The study expands the understanding of the specificity of the content of a linguistic sign in the border areas between a proper name and a common noun, which clarifies knowledge about the variety of manifestations of the content structure of a nomination in general and, in particular, an artificial nomination. The work makes a certain contribution to the development of ideas about metonymy as a linguistic and cognitive phenomenon of nomination, the semantic basis of the processes of ergonym formation. The types of motivations when naming urban objects are clarified. The work contributes to the development of the theory of proper names, motiveology, pragmalinguistics, and linguoculturology.

Provisions submitted for defense.

1. Ergonyms are the area in onomasiology in which modern nominative processes are reflected and by which one can judge both the linguistic personality of an individual nominator and the linguistic environment of the city as a whole.

2. The end-to-end process of ergonym formation is onymization as the transition of a common noun into a proper name; onymization may be accompanied by lexical-semantic and word-formation derivation. Ergonyms demonstrate the commonality of these processes in the light of cognitive views on the essence of a verbal sign.

3. The leading functions of ergonyms (nominative and identifying) are complemented by an informative function, according to which it is possible to distinguish directly informing, indirectly informing and conventional names of urban objects. Conventional ergonyms, while motivated by the nominator, do not provide an idea of the properties of reality and require decoding by the addressee.

4. Recently, the functions of linguistic influence (expressive, attractive, mnemonic, magical and playful) have become important for ergonyms; When creating expressive names of urban objects, the factor of the addressee is actively taken into account and the creative potential of the nominator is most fully revealed.

5. The communicative nature of the ergonymic nomination determines the possibilities of interpretative study of these units: identifying the hierarchy of intentions of the nominator, the reflection of the addressee and the interpretation of the philologist-researcher analyzing the degree of success of the name of an urban object.

6. In the linguistic situation of the city, mutual understanding between the nominator and the addressee of an ergonymic nomination can be complicated by both interference from the “plan of expression” and the “plan of content” of the ergonym.

Practical value of the work. The semantic and word-formation capabilities of the formation of urban ergonymic names identified in this work make it possible to correlate (and thereby clarify) existing scientific data on this area of the onomastic space of the language. The interpretative approach in the description of ergonyms can become a precedent for the beginning of generalizations about the communicative and pragmatic potential of the ergonymic sign. A linguopragmatic analysis of ergonymic nominations is necessary to develop specific recommendations for creating names of urban objects that meet the aesthetic taste of their users. The material and conclusions of the study are useful for university educational work: when teaching special courses on onomastics, conducting special seminars on the language of the city, in lexicographic practice, as well as in the field of management.

Approbation of the work: the main provisions of the dissertation research were discussed at the scientific conference held annually by the Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University

Problems of interpretation in linguistics and literary criticism" (Novosibirsk, 2004 - 2006), at the conference "Philological support of professional activity" at Barnaul State Pedagogical University in 2006, as well as at meetings of the Department of Modern Russian Language of Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University. The content of the work is reflected in 6 publications, 1 of them is in the publication recommended by the Higher Attestation Commission for publications by doctoral students and graduate students.

Structure of the dissertation. The dissertation consists of an introduction, three research chapters, a conclusion, a bibliography and five appendices.

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So, in our understanding, the interpretive approach, combining communicative and pragmatic principles in the study of the names of urban objects, is the angle of view that allows us to answer the most complex and pressing questions of modern ergonyms: why the nominator chooses this particular name (this or that method of formation, one model or another) by which he is guided in his choice. Since V.A.’s thesis is correct for ergonymy. Nikonov, that the name “characterizes not so much the object itself, but the namers” [Nikonov, 1987], then this approach allows us to understand how the name characterizes the linguistic personality of the author of the ergonym and the recipient. And here is the point of intersection of interpretive and communicative linguistics and modern pragmatics, since all these directions focus attention on the linguistic personality.

Our study confirms the thesis about the importance of the pragmatic function (with the obvious functional diversity of ergonyms), focused on the relationship between a person and a sign, for ergonymy. The current situation indicates that the traditional opposition of commercial enterprises to non-profit ones is losing its relevance, since non-profit enterprises such as schools (for example, language schools “Ya”, “Inotext”; private schools “Eco-school”, “Eureka”), studios, clubs based on interests, sports teams, etc., having lost state support, are forced to conduct commercial activities and enter into competition, and therefore, such teams need competitive names.

The beginning of the pragmatic function - magical - is manifested in the ergonymy of Novosibirsk and testifies to the vitality of the attitude towards naming as a sacred act. Each nominator, when giving a name, hopes that it will bring good luck, as evidenced by such nominations as “Fortune”, “Fortune’s Smile”, “777”, “Treasure Island”.

Structural and semantic analysis of the system of city names (in synchrony and diachrony), the results of a survey of city residents, experiments on free associations and experiments on the creation of nominations allow us to say that in the ergonymy of the city of Novosibirsk several opposite, but not mutually exclusive processes take place simultaneously.

On the one hand, a large number of ergonyms are created according to the traditional scheme, known since the 20s. XX century are abbreviations and complexly abbreviated nominations that reflect the location, status and profile of the organization. Abbreviated ergonyms have previously caused (judging by the works of I. Ilf and E. Petrov) and now continue to cause a negative attitude among recipients. This is apparently one of the reasons for the desire of modern nominators to create expressively colored abbreviation names, namely, euphonious ones (“IRSO”), coinciding with well-known abbreviations (“CIA”, “BTR”) or words (“MAG”, “KIT”).

Nominators rely on the Russian language, rich in bright, juicy, expressive words, using expressive-figurative lexemes, for example deminitives with a connotative positive assessment: “Rodnichok”, “Olyushka”, “Ivushka”, words with a positive denotative assessment enshrined in the language : “Success”, “Good choice”, “Favorite”. However, the creativity of the creators of the nominations is not limited to the use of bright ready-made lexemes, more and more often among the ergonyms of Novosibirsk we come across contaminant ergonyms (“Champion”, “Obuvanchik”, “Molodezhka”, “Sportugal”), ergonyms-rhymes (“Shury-Mury”, “Amur-Timur”, “Tutti-Frutti”) and nominations in which false roots are actualized (“Tulle-Pan”, “PyNenebelnaya kitchen”, “MasterOK” ), that is, the creative potential of the Russian language system is used and the game function of ergonyms is updated.

The addressee today needs a nomination that will evoke a chain of polyassociations in the potential recipient, so in his choice he often chooses a complex sign, for example, a complicated metaphor and metonymy. However, due to the specificity of the addressee of the ergonymic nomination, this complex sign should be easily understood by the recipient, its meaning should lie on the surface, and this is proven by the comparison of the functioning of contaminants in poetic and journalistic texts and ergonyms-contaminants, which we undertook in this chapter. In this regard, it is important for ergonymy that the addressee must understand that ergonym-occasionalism is not a mistake, but a well-thought-out invention of the addressee. To achieve this kind of mutual understanding, the addressee and the sender of the EN must have a close picture of the surrounding reality, interpret the events of reality in a similar way and have a common set of explicators for expressing important components of concepts.

Our analysis of the results of the survey and associative experiments with names demonstrates, firstly, the relativity of any judgments regarding the criteria for the success/failure of an ergonym: the same names are marked both as successful and as unsuccessful (the Zhili-Byli tavern, the Balamut club ", pharmacy "Hello"). Secondly, the overwhelming majority have a negative reaction to abbreviations (“NZHK”, “IMPISR”) and ergonyms based on personal names (“Natalya”, “Annushka”). Thirdly, different types of interpreters (nominator, addressee and philologist) evaluate names according to different criteria. For the nominator, the connection of the name with the profile and assortment of the enterprise (informing function) is of paramount importance. The originality of the name is important for the recipient. Having analyzed unsuccessful names, according to the survey data, from the perspective of an interpretive philologist, we identified the following types of interference that can lead to communication failures:

1) interference from the “plan of expression” (abbreviations, use of graphics of other languages, foreign language inclusions, including transliterations); 2) interference from the “content plan” (the use of names whose VF is dissonant with the type of activity of the enterprise, the use of personal names and cultural symbols, the exploitation of one of the meanings of a polysemantic word without taking into account other meanings).

Conclusion

The results of this dissertation research can be summarized as follows.

1. Largely due to the quantitative and qualitative changes that occur with names associated with material culture, namely ergonyms and pragmatonyms, the special attention of linguists is focused precisely on these layers of onomastic vocabulary. Our analysis of the problem of terminology existing in onomastics showed the necessity and sufficiency of the term “ergonym” for naming such urban objects as enterprises, organizations, institutions. Based on the concept of A.B. Superanskaya, we defined the ergonym as a complex lexical unit. Despite the obvious similarity with toponym and socionyme, ergonym is a separate subcategory of proper names, since it has its own, different object of nomination - enterprise, organization, etc.

Ergonyms as individualizing names, important for modern, especially urban, communication, are unconditionally included by us in the onomastic space of the modern Russian language. Some ergonyms are carriers of prototypical properties of IS (conventionality, obscured motivation): the travel agency “Aladdin’s Lamp”, the trading company “August”, the city organization of disabled people “Den”. Other names of urban objects, including common noun indexers, are closer to common nouns in the opposition “common noun - proper noun”: Municipal Educational Institution of Educational Institution “School of Arts No. 6”, Municipal Educational Institution “Office of the Judicial Department in the Novosibirsk Region”. Thus, the scope of the ergonymic nomination is clarified.

Ergonyms, as a subcategory of proper names, began precisely with descriptive forms (as evidenced by the historical excursions undertaken in our work) and gradually acquired the nuclear characteristics of proper names (conventionality, lack of full motivation); The semantic-functional features of the ergonymic name are still at the stage of formation.

The basis for understanding the meaning of ergonym was the functional approach. In the light of this approach, the lexical meaning of an ergonym consists of the same types of relations (macrocomponents) as the LL of other categories of IS and IN (denotative, significative, structural), but at the same time it has a number of features. Among the components of the ergonym significatum, the descriptive, or characterizing, component is of great importance, including a certain set of features of the referent, sufficient for the majority of educated native speakers to understand what is being said. Compared to the most studied anthroponyms, ergonyms are characterized by the importance of the VF as a motivating feature underlying the name.

The study identifies official, semi-official and unofficial layers of the ergonymic system of Novosibirsk. This made it possible to identify a number of features of the relationship between artificial and natural nominations in ergonymy. Artificial nominations become the producing basis for natural (folk) names (“Novosibirsk flour mill No. /” - “Mill”, “Passenger motor transport enterprise” - “Patap”, “Patapych”). In turn, naturally formed names become official nominations, for example, stores “Under the Line”, “Under the Hours”. Natural nominations are resistant to new ideological attitudes and changes in fashion for names (for example, the popular name of a store in the Pervomaisky district “Podvalchik” wins the competition over the official nominations of this city object (“Store No. 24”, “Shopping Center”, “U Perekhodny”) for 30 years).

The analysis of the interaction between ergonym and nomenclature terms (cafe, shop, club, restaurant, etc.) undertaken in the work made it possible to describe the features of the joint functioning of these units.

The sociocultural conditionality of ergonym indexers is shown. Discourse analysis of the lexemes dining room, cafe, bar, restaurant using 2000 contexts from the works of Russian writers of the late 20th - early 11th centuries as sources. (Vasily Aksenov, Victoria Tokareva, Nina Sadur, Gaito Gazdanov, Irina Polyanskaya, Lyudmila Ulitskaya and others) revealed images of these urban objects in the minds of Russian speakers (cafes are “a place of meetings and dates, creative searches and love longings, a neutral territory where everyone is equal and more"). The images constructed in this dissertation research are the basis of ergonymic nominations and can be used by city nominators when creating names.

The classification of ergonyms in accordance with the profile of the objects of the nomination, presented in the study, clearly demonstrates that the choice of linguistic units is conditioned by the specifics of the object of the name.

The work proves that the identifying, conditionally symbolic and symbolic principles underlying the nomination of the peripheral part of the onomastic space of the Russian language [I.V. Kryukova, 1997], are also typical for ergonyms.

Based on these principles and taking into account the experience of classifying proper names R.Ya. Ivanova (based on the names of grape varieties) [Ivanova, 1973] and O.I. Strizhevskaya (based on the names of minerals) [Strizhevskaya, 1975], the ergonyms of Novosibirsk are classified into three types:

Directly informing

Indirectly informing

Conditional.

Ergonyms of the first type contain a direct indication of various properties of the named object: store (.(Children's clothing" (indication of the age of consumers and assortment), store ((Westfalika" (indication of ownership of the enterprise), store of audio and video equipment "From Ivan Ivanovich" (indication of the owner's name and patronymic), the company "Roofing and Insulation" (indication of the assortment). The names of this group are based on the informative principle of nomination. This class is represented, on the one hand, by descriptive names that include appellative indexers: “Municipal state enterprise of housing and communal services of Novosibirsk”, and on the other hand, mono-feature nominations associated with metonymic transfer: store “Japanese auto parts.” Directly informing ergonyms are peripheral in the general onomastic space.

Ergonyms of the second type indirectly indicate the properties of the object of the nomination: the sewing enterprise “Our Fashion”, the publishing and printing enterprise “Ofset”, the shoe store “Crystal Slipper”, the cafe “Shanghai”. The names of this group are based on the conditionally symbolic principle of nomination.

Ergonyms of the third type, being motivated for the nominator, do not give an idea of the properties of reality, but only inform that the ergonym itself is something bright, expressive (trading company "Zenith", cafes "Shafran" and "Belovodye", dental center "Breeze" ", hairdressing salon "Virtual"). The names of this group are based on the symbolic principle of nomination. Conventional ergonyms are closer than others to the nuclear and near-nuclear subcategories of proper names.

The representation of these types actualizes the hierarchical relationships in the ergonymic space of the language and certain correspondences to the nuclear-peripheral structure of the general onomastic field.

2. Having analyzed the main problems of word formation of onyms that exist in modern Russian studies (the problem of determining the word-formation structure of a word and the motivating base, the problem of identifying tips and models of semantic derivation) and expressing our attitude in favor of the similarity of the mechanisms of morphemic and semantic derivation, we introduced the concepts of type and model of ergonymic semantic derivation. Based on the theoretical principles we defend and based on the objectives of the study, we have developed a classification of modern ergonyms of Novosibirsk according to methods of education, taking into account the percentage of identified classes and subclasses.

This classification clearly demonstrates that in the ergonymy of our city two processes compete: semantic metonymic onymization and abbreviation as a morphemic process.

1) composition - 37.5% (abbreviation - 27%, addition - 10%, contamination - 0.5%);

3) descriptive nominations - 14%,

4) transonymization, metaphorical onymization, metonymic onymization complicated by metaphorization - 10%;

5) substantivization -2%;

6) nominalization - 1%;

7) affixation - 0.5%.

Having studied the data for 1912, 1924 - 25, 1931 and 1990, we were able to imagine the dynamics of the development of the ergonymic system of Novosibirsk in the 20th century, which is characterized by a gradual departure from descriptive oanthroponymic names (“Trading office A.Ya. Yakobson”, “Sapozhnaya Sorokin’s workshop”, “Ivanov and son”, “Matukhanin with his sons”) (from 1912 to 1925 45% of all ergonyms are transonymized names) to abbreviation (in 1924 - 25 48.6%, in 1931 - about 90%, in 1991 - 50%). Thus, abbreviation remains the leading method of forming ergonyms for Novosibirsk for almost 80 years.

3. The results of studying the features of the structure, semantics and functioning of ergonyms, presented in our study, prove the communicative significance of the names of urban objects. On this basis, the communicative aspect of ergonymy can be identified and described, which cannot be completely separated from the pragmatic aspect and the interpretive approach that “connects” them.

The work substantiates the possibility of using an interpretative approach in the study of city ergonymy. This approach, relevant for modern Russian studies, is based on an understanding of the communicative and pragmatic features of the creation, perception and use of ergonyms. The researcher focuses on problems related to the characteristics of the sender and recipient of an ergonymic nomination, how the latter interpret names, and those factors that help and hinder mutual understanding between the nominator and the recipient of the name. It was precisely this formulation of the problem that made it possible to clearly see the points of intersection of the interpretative approach and modern pragmatics, focused on the study of linguistic languages, which, in turn, allows the use of developments in the field of pragmatics (for example, analysis of the functioning of ergonyms) to assess the interpretative potential of nominations.

Our analysis showed the functional diversity of ergonyms. At the same time, in addition to the main ones, the pragmatic function (function of influence) is important for all ergonyms. In Novosibirsk ergonymy we find manifestations of a magical function, which is historically the source for a group of pragmatic functions: casino “Fortune”, “777”.

Pragmatic includes the expressive function, which is important for modern ergonymy. It includes more specific functions: evaluative, emotional-evaluative, gaming, attractive, etc.

The expressive function of Novosibirsk ergonymy correlates with the concept of “expressiveness” as a semantic category. The specificity of its manifestation is that the nominators of Novosibirsk, from among the common nouns, choose lexemes with a positive assessment enshrined in the language: “Good choice”, “Success of a summer resident”, company “Best Windows”; lexemes with diminutive suffixes: kindergarten “Solnyshko”, stores “Ivushka”, “Rodnichok”. It is relevant to use the expression of neologisms - ergonyms-contaminants (stores "Champivon", "Obuvanchik", "MolOdezhka", "Sportugaliya"), ergonyms-rhymes (confectionery store "Shara-Bara", coffee shop "Moka-Loka") and nominations , in which false roots are actualized (“Tulle-Pan”, “Pzkenebelnaya kitchen”, “MasterOK”). Thus, in modern ergonymy the creative potential of the Russian language system is used and the play function of ergonyms is updated.

4. Based on the analysis of the results of the survey and experiments, we have developed some signs of successful names for urban objects of various profiles and can give recommendations for the nomination of objects of this type.

The ergonymic nomination is based on the idea of an object that exists in the minds of Russian speakers: for example, the lexeme bar evokes associations with strong drinks, which is reflected in the names of Novosibirsk bars: “Thirst”, “Beer Friends”, “Pinta”.

The majority of respondents noted the importance of a good name for any organization, as well as the fact that the name should be original, consistent with the type of activity of the enterprise, evoke positive associations and attract attention.

During the study, it was found that the above requirements are most fully met by a name based on a complex sign, for example, on a metonymy complicated by a metaphor (wine and vodka store “Fortress”, shoe store “Under the Heel”), or on an expressive composite (contaminant, acronym). The most fully pragmatic function is performed by “riddle ergonyms” that make you think about the motivation for the nomination, for example: the Ostrovok supermarket, located on the street. Equator, associated with “Island on the Equator”. Wed: store “15 builders” (on Stroiteley Avenue, 15).

The prospect of our research may be further work to determine the relationship between concepts and the corresponding ergonyms as their explicators, as well as identifying the features of the interpretation of foreign language transplants as part of ergonymic vocabulary.

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Mikhailyukova, Natalya Vladimirovna. Texts of city signs as a special speech genre: based on the language of Vladivostok: dissertation... Candidate of Philological Sciences: 02.10.01 / Mikhailyukova Natalya Vladimirovna; [Place of protection: Nat. research Volume. state University].- Vladivostok, 2013.- 249 p.: ill. RSL OD, 61 14-10/226

Introduction

Chapter 1. Theoretical foundations for the study of the sign genre 10

1.1 City language as a linguistic problem 10

1.1.1 History of the study of the city’s language (sociological and linguogeographical studies) 12

1.1.3 City vocabulary in the context of nomination theory 20

1.2 Problems of modern theory of speech genres 26

1.2.1 The concept of speech genre 28

1.2.2 Parameters for identifying speech genres 34

1.2.3 The problem of small written genres 39

1.3 Small written genres and the problem of defining text 40

1.3.1 Approaches to text description 40

1.3.2 The concept of text and its characteristics 46

1.3.3 Defining text boundaries. Primitive texts. Creolized texts 51

Chapter 2. Genre of signage in the communicative space of VladivostokabO

2.1 Linguistic aspect of the description of sign texts 60

2.1.1 Sign text structure 60

2.1.2 Grammatical features of sign texts 65

2.1.2.1 Signs represented by one word form 65

2.1.2.2 Signs represented by a combination of words 71

2.1.2.3 Signs represented by verb clause h

2.1.3 Lexico-semantic features of sign texts 75

2.1.3.1 Motivation for the names of urban objects 75

2.1.3.2 Metaphor and metonymy as methods of nomination 82

2.1.4 Using language games in sign texts 97

2.2 Sociolinguistic aspect of the description of sign texts 109

2.2.1. Social conditioning of sign texts 109

2.2.2 Reflection of social differentiation of language in the texts of Vladivostok signs 122

2.2.3 Texts of signs in the aspect of linguoecology and linguoaxiology

2.4 Linguistic and cultural aspect of the description of sign texts

2.4.1 Theoretical foundations of linguistic and cultural analysis of the text of signs 154

2.4.2 Representation of the linguistic and cultural space of Vladivostok in the texts of signs

2.4.2.1 Reflection of globalization processes in the names of Vladivostok objects 159

2.4.2.2 Reflection of Russian and Soviet culture in the texts of Vladivostok signs 163

2.4.2.3 Far Eastern specifics in the mirror of Vladivostok signs 167

2.4.2.4 Reflection of East Asian culture in the texts of signs 171

Conclusion 180

Bibliography

Introduction to the work

The language of the city, considered as a complex interaction of various linguistic components, is the subject of fundamental research in modern linguistics. Within the framework of the anthropocentric paradigm, this phenomenon is studied not only in the linguistic itself, but also in the sociolinguistic, communicative, semiotic and linguoculturological aspects. The language of a city is a collection of heterogeneous linguistic formations (living speech of citizens and urban epigraphy), interacting with each other and forming a complex unified system within a particular city. Among the most relevant are studies of small written forms in the linguistic appearance of the city, since they record social, economic, cultural and political changes occurring in the life of society. This study presents an analysis of sign texts as a special speech genre.

The texts of signs are one of the elements of the linguistic life of the city,

representing changes in social, economic and political

life of the city. Such texts of the urban environment reflect the linguistic and

national and cultural specificity of a particular city. Revealing the same

linguistic identity of specific cities is relevant in the context

research into the problem of territorial variation in literary

Russian language. In addition, city signs reflect and shape

linguistic and cultural space of a modern city, therefore they

consideration is related to linguo-ecological issues and

language policy.

There are several approaches to studying sign texts.

Traditionally, the names of urban objects are considered as

nominative unit, in this case the term “ergonym” is used

(L. A. Kapanadze, 1982; N. V. Podolskaya, 1988; T. V. Shmeleva, 1989, 1990 and

ate; I. V. Kryukova, 1993; N. A. Prokurovskaya, 1996; L. 3. Podberezkina,
1997, etc.). Another theory is that the names on the signs represent
is a communicative unit, a specific type of text (L.V.
Sugar, 1991; E. S. Kubryakova, 2001), which can also be considered in
context of genre studies (M. V. Kitaigorodskaya, 2003; M. V.

Kitaygorodskaya, N. N. Rozanova, 2010; B. Ya. Sharifullin, 1997, etc.).

The linguistic appearance of Vladivostok currently remains insufficiently studied. Small genre forms also deserve attention - in particular, the texts of signs, which are of scientific interest not only as a special genre of speech, but also as a fragment of the communicative space of the city, reflecting its regional specifics. Taking into account this situation, we believe that there is a need for a comprehensive study of the texts of the names of urban objects - in particular, an analysis of their structural and semantic features, as well as the identification of sociolinguistic and linguocultural specifics.

Thus, relevance This research is determined, firstly, by its inclusion in the paradigm of modern linguistic research; secondly, gaps in the theoretical development of the sign text as a special speech genre; thirdly, the need for a comprehensive study of the linguistic space of Vladivostok.

Object Our research was based on the texts of signs of the city of Vladivostok.

Subject The research focused on the structural-semantic, sociolinguistic and linguocultural features of the texts of city signs as a special speech genre.

Material the research is a card file of the texts of Vladivostok signs (photos and handwritten notes), which includes about 4,000 units; material was collected from 2009 to 2012.

Target dissertation work is to describe the texts of signs as a speech genre, identifying their genre-forming features.

To achieve this goal it was necessary to solve the following tasks:

identify signs confirming the textual status of the name of an urban object;

identify genre-forming features of the sign text;

3) explore the sociolinguistic features of texts
Vladivostok signs;

4) consider the texts of signs as a reflection of linguistic and cultural
space of Vladivostok.

Research methods. The starting point is the descriptive method (collection and systematization of material), which allows us to identify the main types of sign texts; elements of the statistical method were also used. To reconstruct nominative strategies and motivations for creating ergonyms, a pragmatic analysis of communication is used. The method of distributional analysis and component analysis of word meanings was used.

Scientific novelty thesis is that for the first time a comprehensive description of the text of a sign as a special speech genre is presented; Based on multi-aspect analysis, its specific features are identified. In addition, the dissertation work was carried out on previously unused regional factual material: the object of the study was the texts of signs in the city of Vladivostok.

Theoretical significance of the study. The data obtained allow, firstly, to clarify the idea of a speech genre as a situationally determined type of text. Secondly, this work is a definite contribution to the theory of text - mainly in terms of defining the boundaries of the text as a unit of speech. Thirdly, a multi-aspect analysis of the linguistic content of Vladivostok signs was carried out

allows you to get an idea of the regional varieties of the national Russian language.

Practical value of the work. The results of the study can be used in general and special courses on the modern Russian language, sociolinguistics, linguoculturology, etc. The collected factual material can be used in the compilation of a regional dictionary. Based on the research, it is possible to develop practical recommendations for government agencies involved in language policy issues in the city, as well as for the nominators themselves.

Provisions for defense:

A sign is a special speech genre, which is a small-form written text (“primitive text”) located on an urban site and performing identifying and advertising functions. The text of the sign is a kind of materially designed “replica” of the name of the enterprise.

The specificity of the sign text as a speech genre is expressed in its grammatical, lexical-semantic, sociolinguistic and linguocultural features.

A sign is a special type of text that has semantic, structural, compositional and pragmatic features. Informativeness and a clearly expressed focus on the addressee are the most important characteristics of the sign text.

The text of the sign is semiotically heterogeneous, as it contains verbal and iconic elements aimed at forming certain positive associations among the addressee in order to achieve a result beneficial for the nominator.

5. The texts of the signs reflect the peculiarities of the linguistic and cultural

space and socio-economic structure of Vladivostok.

Scope and structure of the dissertation determined by the purpose and objectives of the study. The work consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion, a list of references, including 297 titles, and two appendices.

Directions of modern research on the language of the city

The relevance of the study of speech genres is due to the fact that the modern scientific anthropocentric paradigm in linguistics is generally functional in nature. Interest in the study of speech genres is also caused by the fact that this concept is one of the key structural elements in modern anthropolinguistics. E. A. Zemskaya emphasizes that “the study of speech genres is of primary interest for the analysis of types of speech communication (official - unofficial, public - personal, unprepared - prepared, direct - mediated, etc.), because different types of communication have a specific set genres of speech" [Zemskaya, 1988].

At the present stage of development of linguistics, the study of speech genres is so diverse that the identification of the main approaches to the problem of speech genres in domestic linguistics is different.

Thus, T.V. Shmeleva identifies three approaches to the study of speech genres. The first of them is defined as lexical, involving reference to the names of genres: “it is most closely related to the theory of speech acts, largely based on the analysis of the use of speech steps.” The second approach is called stylistic; it “involves the analysis of texts in terms of their genre nature, including composition, selection of specific vocabulary, etc.” The third approach, which is most based on the ideas of M. M. Bakhtin, according to Tatyana Viktorovna, is called speech science, since speech genres are studied as a phenomenon of speech. A feature of this approach, T. V. Shmeleva calls the movement “from the author, his plans and preconditions of communication to the methods of linguistic embodiment of the speech genre, in which all the genre information necessary for successful communication is encoded for the addressee” [Shmeleva, 1997a].

Saratov researcher V.V. Dementyev identified three main directions of the modern theory of speech genres: linguistic study of speech genres (genre studies), pragmatic (genre studies) and “communicative genre studies”. The linguistic study of speech genres is based on the methodology and terminology of the theory of speech acts; in this direction, mainly the logical-functional aspect of speech genres is considered. The pragmatic study of speech genres is characterized by special attention to the factor of the addresser and the factor of the addressee. In communicative genre studies, based on a synthesis of the communicative nature of speech genre and language, genre is considered as a transitional phenomenon between language and speech and is understood as a means of formalizing social interaction [Dementyev, 2002].

Recently, the theory of speech genres has been developing so rapidly that we can say, on the one hand, that this theory has formed its own traditions for the study of genres (functional-stylistic, pragmatic, speech science), on the other hand, that the theory of speech genres genres is at a completely new stage of development, based on a tendency towards generalization (for example, communicative genetics).

The current problems of modern genre theory include the following: the content of the concept of “speech genre”, the problem of the hierarchical organization of a speech genre, the problem of identifying genre-forming features and the typology of speech genres, the problem of small written genres.

The discussion of the problem of speech genres in linguistics, as is known, begins with M. M. Bakhtin’s article “The Problem of Speech Genres,” in which the foundations of modern ideas about speech genres were laid and the difficulties associated with this concept were demonstrated. M. M. Bakhtin considered the speech genre a category that allows us to connect social reality with linguistic reality: it is not a product of abstract theorizing by linguists, but samples and models of speaking and writing that are actually inherent in the speech competence of native speakers. The researcher understood a speech genre as “a relatively stable thematic, compositional and stylistic type of utterance,” which depends on extralinguistic factors (addressee, goal of the speaker, specific situation of speech communication, etc.) [Bakhtin, 1979]. Further development of the theory of speech genres is associated with the study of the Russian language in the functional and stylistic aspect.

It should be noted that the question of the definition of the very concept of “speech genre” still remains controversial. Even within the same thematic collection “Genres of Speech,” significantly different concepts of the theory of speech genres are presented. V. E. Goldin rightly points out this in the preface to the second issue of the collection: “The concept of speech genre is “squeezed”... between the concepts of speech act, text type, tonality of communication and some others” [Goldin, 1999, p. 4].

The concept of “speech genre” in modern linguistics is interpreted differently. The general definition of speech genres proposed by M. M. Bakhtin undoubtedly needs clarification. Linguists, relying on the concept of M.M. Bakhtin, offer various definitions of speech genres, identifying certain aspects of this concept depending on the research tasks.

In studies related to the sociopragmatic aspect of the theory of speech genres, considering a speech genre in the context of a communicative situation, based on the idea of the unity of communicative and non-communicative human activity, speech genres are understood as: “verbal-sign design of a typical situation of social interaction between people” [Sedov, 2007, With. 8]; “a form of speech implementation of acts of communicative activity in a communicative event” [Borisova, 2001, p. 42]; “a type of text “cast” from the corresponding communicative situations, formed on the basis of such specific and interacting parameters as time, place, communication partners, topic” [Kitaygorodskaya, Rozanova, 1998]; “a certain situational and thematic group of texts” [Kapanadze, 1988, p. 230] etc.

Considering speech genres in the psycholinguistic aspect, by speech genres researchers understand “a script, a frame that is present in the consciousness of a linguistic personality as a guide to speech behavior and which is a socially approved system of norms for such behavior in a given specific situation of social interaction” [Sedov, 1998 b, s. 146]. In one of the works of V.V. Dementyev, the genre is called “a means of formalizing social interaction” [Dementyev, 2002].

Small written genres and the problem of text definition

The use of a qualifying component as a function of the actual name of the object is typical for signs located in remote, so-called “dormitory” areas of the city. This can probably be explained by the absence of the need to single out a given object - to differentiate it - among similar ones (there is practically no competition of similar objects on the urban periphery).

The qualifying component, in the presence of an identifier or differentiator, can be considered optional, since the profile and functional features of the object can be revealed in the text of the name of the enterprise or using an iconic element. For example, the text of the sign for the Petal salon is accompanied by an image of a chamomile, informing about the profile of this salon - selling flowers.

The qualifying element can be represented by a combination of words, for example: children's clothing store, women's clothing store, luxury furniture salon, etc. In this case, the element expressed as an adjective is clarifying: it more accurately informs about the range or quality of the goods and services offered.

As our material shows, three types of models for the implementation of identifying and qualifying components can be distinguished: 1) N1 + Adj (grocery store); 2) N1 + N2 (beauty salon, shoe store); 3) N1 + N1 (grocery store). The most productive in the epigraphy of Vladivostok is the second model. In the third model, the grammatical coherence of the identifying and qualifying components is implicit, which is a characteristic feature of sign texts as a special speech genre. So, the full implementation of the text of the sign is the verbalization of the identifying, qualifying and differentiating components, for example: the children's clothing store “Fashionable Baby Doll”. This is the most productive and frequent model of the text of Vladivostok signs. A model in which there is no qualifying component can be considered less productive: cafe “Michel”, store “Moidodyr”.

Finally, the least frequent and unproductive model in Vladivostok turns out to be one in which there is only a qualifying component that performs the function of the actual name of a city object (“Fruits and Vegetables”) or only a differentiating component (“Caramel”). The use of one qualifier in the text of a sign is informative for the addressee, but is ineffective from an advertising point of view, since due to the lack of bright and figurative means, the individuality of the enterprise is not manifested. Having only a differentiating component on a sign may also be ineffective, since the purpose of an urban facility may be unclear to potential consumers (for example, “Caramel” is the name of a beauty salon). Thus, from the point of view of performing the informative and advertising function, it is optimal to explicate a minimum of identifying and qualifying components.

Most sign texts, as our observations show, contain a differentiating component, that is, the actual name of the enterprise. However, on the signs of Vladivostok there are also texts that, in addition to the actual name of the object, contain brief information of an advertising nature. For example: cafe “Retro”: weddings, anniversaries, banquets, inexpensive; Store “Leon” Fur coats Fur sheepskin coats2.

In such hybrid texts (company name + advertisement), nominative sentences are used, logical and grammatical connections between words are broken, text connections are weakly expressed; Such texts often lack punctuation. Here are some examples: children's goods store "Happy Childhood" (below) Non-children's shopping Discounts Prizes Gifts Bonuses; Wine Shop (below) Drinks from all over the world!; Beer Post beer store (below) ...more than just beer! Quality, tradition, goodness Always fresh draft beer for you Delivery anywhere in the city.

Additional advertising information can be presented in the following types: a) the use of rhyme (Gigantshina; Tires for any car; the seed store "Gardens of Primorye": In the spring and summer in the off-season, the gardens of Primorye are always with you!), b) the use of texts of a recommendatory nature (store bedding "Dargez" (below) A good morning begins at night...), c) invitations (shoe store "Real Shoe" (below) Come out and greet the warmth! beer store "Beer Post" (below) We are always glad to see you! supermarket Fresh25 (below) We are open!) (the advertising element We are open!, which serves as an invitation, has been very common in recent years on the signs of Vladivostok institutions that have just opened for citizens).

Motivation for the names of urban objects

Figurative metonymy is built on primary (non-metaphorical) imagery. According to researcher O.I. Blinova, “the properties of imagery have two classes of words: linguistic... metaphor, secondary, indirect nominations and actual figurative words, primary nominations, namely those concrete nouns, which themselves often become the basis of the image, comparison (water, grass, sun, rainbow, etc.)” [Blinova, 1983, p. 31]. In this case, the transfer of the name is carried out on the basis of the contiguity of ideas about objects and phenomena involved in one situation: for example, vivid images of the world of childhood underlie the names of children's goods stores “Vorobyshek” and “Hare”.

Conventionally, primary imagery can be seen in words denoting phenomena and objects of nature. It is the primary imagery that is associated with vivid visual representations. The names of plants, animals, and birds are often used. In the texts of signs of this type, the primary imagery creates a special emotional background. Thus, figurative metonymy in the texts of signs is created using the following thematic groups: a) zoonyms, usually in the form of a diminutive (children's goods stores "Soroka", "Hare", "Bear", "Sparrow"; preschool development centers "Lebedushka" ", "Crane", "Bees") evoke associations with childhood, since the heroes of children's literary works in most cases are animals and birds; b) phytonyms that can actualize the national-cultural component of “Russianness”, thereby causing pleasant associations among the addressee: children's entertainment center “Romashka”, grocery store “Beryozka”, hairdresser “Vasilek”, shopping center “Sunflower”, grocery store “Kolosok” "(an ear of grain is a symbol of fertility and abundance); c) names of natural phenomena and objects: preschool development center “Rodnichok”, food store “Zorka”, children’s goods store “Rucheyok”. Sign texts based on metaphor.

Metaphor (from the Greek “transfer”) is “the transfer of a name from one object (phenomenon, action, sign) to another based on their similarity” [Arutyunova, 2000, p. 296-297]. In modern linguistics, metaphor is viewed not so much as an embellishment of speech, but as a cognitive mechanism that facilitates the acquisition of new knowledge.

One of the most promising areas in metaphorology has become the theory of conceptual metaphor, which arose and is being developed within the framework of cognitive linguistics. Modern cognitive science considers metaphor as a basic mental operation, as a way of cognition, categorization, evaluation and explanation of the world. A person not only expresses his thoughts with the help of metaphors, but also thinks in metaphors, cognizes the world with the help of metaphors, and also strives in the process of communicative activity to transform the linguistic picture of the world existing in the addressee’s mind, to introduce a new categorization into the representation of well-known phenomena.

Cognitive scientists study metaphor in language and speech as a material reflection of mental processes. Metaphor is not just a “decoration” of speech. According to the general principles of cognitive science, metaphor is understood as a gestalt, a network model, the nodes of which are interconnected by relationships of different natures and varying degrees of proximity. The metaphor underlying the text of the name of an urban object connects phenomena, actions, signs, encourages the recipient of the nomination to perform a certain thought process: compare different phenomena, actions, signs, look for analogies. In the texts of signs, the informative, emotional-evaluative and playful functions of metaphors are realized [Kharchenko, 1992].

The texts of the names of establishments based on metaphorical transfer can be classified according to the type of updated information (information about the profile, specialization of the enterprise or the specifics of the setting and interior of the establishment). Let's take a closer look at each of these types of names.

Metaphorical names reflecting the purpose of an urban object represent the largest class. Several thematic groups of this type of signs can be distinguished depending on the vocabulary underlying the text of the name: a) zoonyms and other vocabulary associated with the animal world: building materials stores “2va beaver”, “Beaver”, “Ant” (beaver and ant as symbolic designation of construction, work, hard work), hair salon "Kakadu" (the cockatoo is a bird, the characteristic feature of which is the presence of elongated bright feathers on its head, symbolizes creative hairstyles), the fabric store "Peacock" (the peacock in this case symbolizes a wide selection of fabrics, since has a characteristic unusually bright plumage on the tail), the personal services agency "Bee" (the bee is associated with hard work and hard work, therefore this name is used to designate an enterprise that provides personal services: cleaning of premises, garbage removal, purchasing groceries, etc.); b) phytonyms: “Cedar” bank (symbolic signs of cedar such as strength, strength, reliability justify the use of this name of the tree as the text of the bank’s sign, since clients have positive associations); lingerie store “Wild Orchid” (the name of this flower is associated with beauty, grace, indicating in this case the features of women’s toiletries); cafe “Malina” (firstly, the direct lexical meaning of the word (“berry”) has been updated, which is associated with the purpose of the urban facility - a public catering establishment; secondly, the figurative colloquial meaning of this word (“something pleasant, giving pleasure ") [Efremova, 2000, p. 822]; cafe "Izyum" (symbolic designation of the specifics of national Central Asian cuisine). c) anthroponyms: travel agency "Marco Polo" (world-famous name of the traveler); beauty salons “Julia”, “Victoria”, “Helen”, hairdressing salons “Eva”, “Katrin”, “Isabel”, cosmetics stores “Violetta”, “Madeleine”, “Juliet”, etc. (these anthroponyms evoke in consumers associations with the special sophistication characteristic of representatives of Western culture); d) mythonyms and names associated with the Ancient World: beauty salon “Aphrodite”; hairdressing salon “Venus” (Aphrodite/Venus is the name of the goddess of beauty and love in ancient Greek/Roman mythology, evoking an association with female beauty); security agencies “Mars” and “Ares” (the gods of war, the ancient Roman Mars and the ancient Greek Ares symbolize reliable protection); gynecological center "Bona Dea" (lat. Bona Dea - “good goddess” (often “good goddess”) - in Roman mythology, the goddess of fertility, health and innocence, the goddess of women);

Representation of the linguistic and cultural space of Vladivostok in the texts of signs

In the texts of signs it is also possible to use such vocabulary that emphasizes the high status of goods and services: vip, status, class, luxury and others. For example: auto stores “AemoVIP”, “Higher Class”; clothing stores “Persona”, “Persona VIP”, “Persona Grata”, “Status”; shoe store “Status Shoes”; furniture store “Status Furniture”; beauty salon "VIP Salon", "VIP Class"; fitness center "World Class", etc.

From an advertising point of view, the use of socionyms in the texts of signs denoting people with high social status is very effective. For example, men's clothing stores "Monarch", "Aristocrat", "Tycoon", "Premier", "Diplomat", "Chancellor", "President", "Centurion"; women's clothing stores "Empress", "Patricia", "Queen"; restaurants "Emperor", "Admiral". Such texts of signs attract the addressee, since purchasing goods in such stores or visiting establishments with similar names allows consumers to increase their personal status, feel like high-ranking people, and become like the above-mentioned persons. A similar function is performed by title texts based on the names of famous historical figures and mythological heroes. Let us give examples: beauty salons “Cleopatra”, “Nifertiti”, “Aphrodite”, “Venus”; men's clothing stores "Caesar", "Apollo".

The text of a sign can create in the recipient’s mind not only a positive image of the object, but also a certain image of the consumer himself. For example: men's clothing stores “Knight”, “Cavalier”, “Sudar”; women's clothing stores "Lady", "Madame", "Madam". People who purchase goods in such stores subconsciously feel and hope that they look in their own eyes and in the perception of others as real ladies and knights.

A popular advertising technique can be considered the use of component signs in the texts, expressing the meaning of “inclusiveness”, informing potential customers about a diverse range. Such components include the following nouns: house, gallery, empire, world, planet, center. For example: “House of Shoes”, “House of Furniture”, “House of Books”; “Sofa Gallery”, “Furniture Gallery”; "Furniture Empire", "Window Empire"; “World of Windows”, “Pubmir”, “World of Books”, “World of Skin”; “Repair center”, “Furniture center”, etc. In this case, the meanings of the words house, planet, empire, world, etc. are expanded. Losing part of their lexical meaning, such words demonstrate the concept of a wide selection of goods and services, and also create the effect of creativity through the use of metaphor.

A similar function is performed by the texts of signs using numerical combinations or lexemes denoting numbers: household goods store “1000 little things”, auto store “1000 sizes”, furniture store “Million sofas”, auto stores “Hundreds of spare parts”, “Thousands of parts”. Sometimes, for the same purpose, nouns are used that have the meaning “large size, quantity”: the tire center “Gigantshina”, the building materials supermarket “Red Mammoth”, the bookstore “Sea of Books”, the souvenir store “Sea of Gifts”, the furniture store “ An ocean of furniture." The desire of the nominators to inform potential customers that this trading enterprise has all the necessary goods is reflected in such sign text as the “From and Do” shopping center.

This trend in the field of urban signs can be defined as the desemantization of lexical units. A similar phenomenon is observed in other Russian cities, as noted by many researchers (M.V. Kitaigorodskaya and N.N. Rozanova, V.V. Krasnykh and others).

Frequently, according to our observations, the use of constant elements with spatial-territorial semantics is used: -terra, -land, i territory, as well as city, -grad and their foreign language analogues city, burg. The inclusion of these elements in the text of the name of the enterprise is also due to the desire of the owner to inform the consumer that the richest range of goods or services is presented here, that is, “a whole land, or a city.” Let's give examples: auto shops "Autoland", "Toyotaland", "Shinaland"; “Autoterritory”, “Motorterritory”; "Carterra", "Avtoterra", liquor store "VinoTerra"; furniture stores “City of Furniture”, “City of Sofas”; "Mebelgrad", "Pivograd"; City furniture, stationery store Kanzburg, etc. The use of such lexemes in the texts of signs can be explained by the fact that “urban objects are becoming larger in the minds of people,” and this trend is noted by many researchers, in particular M. V. Kitaygorodskaya [Kitaygorodskaya, 2003 , With. 135].

The advertising function is performed by texts constructed using foreign language, predominantly English, vocabulary. A popular phenomenon is the use in texts of signs of unadapted barbarisms (foreign lexemes and their combinations), for example: Cafe Coffetory, Street Bar, ARTICHOKE grill bar, Shisha bar Grand Cafe restaurant; America Club; Brandheel shoe store; youth clothing store Forever 18; bag and accessories store La bag, beauty salon “Star”, cafe “Monte Carlo”, “Royal Burger”, “Magic Burger”, bowling club “Pool Bar”, etc.

Less frequent is the use of adapted barbarisms (words taken from other languages, but written in Russian letters): the Drive car store, the Stroy-shop store, the Baby Shop children's goods store. Particularly popular is the technique of contaminating the base of a Russian word and a foreign borrowing, while writing is possible in both Russian letters and Latin letters (Master-Soft computer workshop, Stroymart building materials store, etc.).

A fairly large group of sign texts based on English vocabulary is known to indicate an active process of globalization and the orientation of city residents towards American culture. About the reasons for the active and widespread use of the English language in the speech of native Russian speakers, V. G. Kostomarov writes this: “Like in most countries of the world, the United States in the minds of Russians, especially young people, is increasingly taking root as a center that radiates attractive technical innovations and samples public order and economic prosperity, standards of living, ideas, cultural standards, tastes, manners of behavior and communication" [Kostomarov, 1999, p. BY]. The modern focus on Americanisms in the texts of the names of urban objects, according to researchers, is partly “a consequence of the long-term suppression of the natural interaction of the Russian and world communities” [Grigorieva, 2009, p. 43]. Many people consider it especially chic to use Englishisms that are more sonorous than Russian words in the texts of signs. Business owners try to show their knowledge of English and the high status of their enterprise, and consumers try to show their familiarity with the American-Western world.

Reflection of processes occurring in the Russian language in the names of various city objects and signs Research work on the Russian language of a student. Unofficial onomastics of Yekaterinburg and the reasons for its appearance in the speech of citizens Name of urban areas

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